Case study Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words - 7

Case Study Example There is favoritism and discrimination going on at the workplace. An employee such as Fred, despite the fact that he is more skill oriented than Bob, and performs exceptionally well does not get an increase of his salary. There is the lack of privacy. Employees are not supposed to share their some information especially when it is salary oriented. Sharing this information could lead to a lot of conflicts in the workplace. As the director, I would carry out an evaluation process on each employee. I would do this by initiating a scale rating which usually indicates the strengths and weaknesses of every employee. The key areas I would concentrate on are, following rules and instructions, ability to get along with others and effectiveness. After carrying out the evaluation, I would call every employee and give feedback to them. If Fred seems to be working well, as he implies then I would recommend a raise of salary and promote him to a higher position. If he is under performing, I would have to release him off his duties. Jack Otto should introduce a policy of rewarding the exceptional employees, who keep time on arriving in the morning and employees who get along with other employees well. This would keep Bob on his toes and will even start arriving at the workplace earlier than expected. Putting up with Bob’s behavior for a long time, his lateness is not an issue anymore. The company has ignored Bob and actions have not been taken against him. This has spearheaded the existing problem with Bob. Policies usually provide ethics by which an institute governs its employee relations in a fair and steady manner. The policies and procedures help employees be aware of what is expected and can prevent misunderstandings about employer policies. Some of the policies which could have prevented the problem from happening are; George should establish a method for all employees in his department to report complains confidentially. He should also incorporate

How to Manage Older Workers Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2500 words

How to Manage Older Workers - Essay Example This will be followed by a discussion of the advantages and disadvantages of older people working in a workplace and the management of older workers. The paper will finally discuss the effects of older workers on the organization as a whole. In a report by Todd J. Maurer, Francisco G. Barbeite, the author has dealt with the issue of relationship and job performance. The report has provided a deep and step by step focus on the relationship (Maurer, Barbeite, 2002). The report has clearly shown that there is no clear relationship between job performance and the age of the people. The article clearly shows that the most important aspect of any job is the performance of the person. However, if a person does not perform well, the chances are low for the person to stay on in the same job for a longer time. It is also clear that there is no one way to judge the performance of older or younger people at a job to be compared or to be judged in terms of performance. It would be incorrect to judge a young and older employee based on the tasks that are given to them. There is a high possibility that with bias the older person would have been given a more difficult task than the younger or vice versa. The research also highlights tha t the relationship between performance and age is a linear one, i.e. with the increase in age, the performance of the individual increases or decreases consistently. The author also explains, ‘that job performance is almost always multidimensional, meaning the work requires more than one important type of behavior or skill for overall success. Thus if some workers focus their efforts on one part of a job and other workers focus their efforts on other parts of a job, their overall performance may be similar, even though they reached the performance level through allocating their efforts differently. If older workers' abilities or skills decline in one aspect of work, they may focus their efforts on another aspect to achieve the same overall level of success’ (Maurer, Barbeite, 2002).

Writer's choice Term Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words - 2

Writer's choice - Term Paper Example (Independence, n.d.) His father, a candle and soap maker, wanted Benjamin to become a clergyman. Because his father did not have enough money, Benjamin only went to school for a year, apprenticed under his father, and eventually apprenticed for his half-brother, James, who owned a printing shop. Benjamin loved to write, but he never got a chance to publish his work. It was during this time that he wrote the fourteen famous letters from Silence Dogood, a secret character Franklin created for himself. The letters were sent to James’ printing house and published in The New-England Courant. When James found out Dogood was actually Benjamin, the siblings disagreed and the younger Franklin moved to Philadelphia. Benjamin consequently became the publisher for The Pennsylvania Gazette when he was about twenty-four years old (Hovde, 2002). He gained popularity for printing Poor Richard’s Almanac which contained weather forecasts, household tips, puzzles, etc. (Green & Stallybrass, 2006) There is a lot to tell about Benjamin Franklin since he dabbled in many industries when he was alive. Aside from being a renowned printer and writer, Benjamin Franklin was also a diplomat. He was the first United States Minister to France and served from 1778 – 1785. Scholar Leo Lemay referred to Franklin as â€Å"the most essential and successful American diplomat of all time.† (Green & Stallybrass, 2006) Not only was Benjamin Franklin adept in being a publisher and a diplomat. He was also a very brilliant inventor. During his lifetime, Franklin managed to create what is commonly known as bifocals, lightning rod, glass harmonica and Franklin stove. (Independence, n.d.) Three of these are still popular today. Bifocals are a type of eyeglasses which have upper and lower halves. The lower halves were usually used for reading or viewing things that are near, while the upper halves are used for looking at distant objects. As Franklin grew older,

Regression Analysis of Ipl Players Auction Essay Example for Free

Regression Analysis of Ipl Players Auction Essay Linear regression model has been developed using Backward variable selection method. The criterion used for Backward method is Probability of F-to-remove gt;= 0. 100 As seen from the above table in our model the ‘R Square’ value of is 0. 618 and ‘Adjusted R Square’ value is 0. 592. Team variable is removed Cricket in the T20 format is considered a young man’s sport, is there evidence that the player’s price is influenced by age? From our analysis we have seen that the price of a player is greater if the player is less than 25 years of age. Identify the predictor that has the highest impact on the price of players. Batting strike rate and bowling strike rate do not have significant impact on the pricing. This can be explained by very low R2 = 0. 014 for bowling strike rate and R2 = 0. 034 for batting strike rate. Bowling Strike Rate vs Sold Price Batting Strike Rate vs Sold Price The base price has the highest impact on Selling Price of the players. When compared to others, the base price has the highest R square value How much should Mumbai Indians offer Sachin Tendulkar if they would like to retain him? Is the model sufficient to predict the price of Icon players? According to model, the sold price of Sachin is 1800000 but fair value of Sachin Tendulkar is 1598610. 008 which minimum amount should be paid. Icon player should get 15% premium over second highest pay. But this factor is not considered in our analysis. Hence, our model can’t predict the value of icon players.

Meditation Essay Example for Free

Meditation Essay Meditation Sit as you wish on a chair or on the floor with your back straight. Turn the palms of your hands up Close your eyes. Take a deep breath, inhaling through your nose and exhaling from your mouth. With each breath, in and out, release the tension in your body more and more. Smile, and imagine each organ in your body, in turn, smiling back at you. Think of what you have to be grateful for in your life. Now start visualizing a fluid white light entering your body through your feet and moving slowly pward, toes to feet to ankles, legs to thighs and hips saying to yourself I open myself to the light, to the teacher within and without or I honor the divinity that resides within me. Continue to visualize the light rising, filling every inch, every muscle- hips to waist, belly, back, shoulders lingering everywhere you feel tension or pain -your arms, elbows, hands and fingers. Feel the light move up, neck to chin, to lips, eyes, forehead and hair. Now see how your entire body glows with white light. See a spark of that light leave your body through the top of your head. You are that spark of light. See that spark of light you flying high to the sky, to the clouds. Repeat I open myself to the light, to the teacher within and without or I honor the divinity that resides within me. Continue to fly, higher and higher, until you are in a magical place, unseen before, a place of beauty almost beyond imagining. Colors so vibrant they seem unreal, lakes, mountains, waterfalls, flowers, birds and butterflies and unicorns, fanciful creatures of all kinds. Create your imaginary garden, your magical place you will always go to. Here everything is peaceful, and everything possible. When a thought comes to mind Just focus on your breath or repeat and let the thought go like clouds in the sky. Be gentle with yourself. Imagine now a bright white light shining down upon you, reflecting and intensifying your own light giving you unconditional love. Love as you have never known it before. Rest in this place. Rest here, and magic will happen. When it feels right, begin the return to your body n the same way you left it slowly, until you are ready to end your meditation. But before you end it, visualize your body filled with light, enter it and stay with for a few minutes. Then, with your hands in prayer position, lift them to your forehead to remind yourself to be aware of your thoughts. Drop them to your lips to remind yourself to be conscious of your words. Drop them to your heart to remind yourself to be conscious of your actions. And last, bow to yourself to honor the master within you You are saluting the God By satharmk

MIM and the Rise of Muslim Identity Politics

MIM and the Rise of Muslim Identity Politics Akshay Shetty The 2014 Maharashtra Legislative Assembly elections were perhaps one of the most interesting electoral experiments in recent history. The 15 year old Congress-NCP alliance and the 25 year old Shiv Sena-BJP alliance came to an end and the four parties contested elections on their own. While the results of the elections didnt come as a surprise to any of the four parties, the success of one party has attracted massive media attention, albeit alarmist. Making its debut in Maharashtra, the Hyderabad based All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen (MIM) won 2 seats in the 288-member assembly, grabbing a 0.9% share of votes. Waris Pathan won the Byculla assembly seat by a narrow margin of 1,357 votes, beating rivals Madhu Chavan of the Bharatiya Janta Party (BJP) and Geeta Gawli of the Akhil Bharatiya Sena (ABS). However, MIM sprung a major surprise in the Aurangabad Central seat, where its candidate, former NDTV journalist Imtiaz Jaleel defeated sitting Shiv Sena MLA Pradeep Jaiswal by 19,982 votes. It also lost three seats by a narrow margin and finished third in nine constituencies. Overall, MIM polled over 5.13 lakh votes, even though it fielded, in many cases, political novices. The party also cut into the traditional vote banks of the Congress, the NCP and managed to wrest control of some areas where the BJP was believed to be strong. Buoyed by the victory, MIM president Asaduddin Owasi is planning to expand the party base in the state. The MIM has decided to contest all municipal elections in the state, including the BMC election in 2017 and the Aurangabad municipal election in 2015. It already has 13 corporators in the Nanded-Waghala Municipal Corporation. Plans are also afoot to expand in Uttar Pradesh, West Bengal and Karnataka. The MIM’s victory can be attributed to two main factors, the division of votes in other parties and the polarization of the Muslim votes. With the BJP led by Narendra Modi sweeping to victory after winning elections across India, the delicate balance between the country’s religious and ethnic minorities, and especially its Muslims, and the majority Hindu population is shifting. MIM fed off the growing feeling of political disempowerment among Muslims and the disenchantment with the Congress, a party which traditionally received the bulk of the Muslim vote. The vitriolic speeches of the Owaisi brothers, with fervent appeals to Allah and claims of Muslim victimhood contributed to the polarization. Clips of Akbaruddin Owaisi were widely circulated on WhatsApp, and the Muslim youth who are wary of the hysteria surrounding Narendra Modi were attracted to them (Lokhande, 2014). Thus the MIM’s victory is a combined result of Muslims being fed up of the token secularism of the Congress and the indifference and alienation by the BJP. India’s Muslims are at crossroads today. Before delving into the politics of the MIM, it is important to understand the state of India’s largest minority community. India’s Muslims Muslims make up about 14.4 percent of India’s total population. However, according to a 2013 report by the Pew Research Center, the country maintains â€Å"the world’s second-largest Muslim population in raw numbers (roughly 176 million).†Often referred to as â€Å"the lost children of India’s partition† (Gayer Jaffrelot, 2012), Muslims who chose to stay in India have struggled to keep pace with the majority community. The Sachar Commission report (2006), ordered by the then prime minister Dr. Manmohan Singh showed Muslims to be stuck at the bottom of almost every economic or social indicator. They were poorly represented in public sector jobs, school and university places politics. Low literacy levels and low fertility were other major findings. India’s Muslims tend to be excluded from 3 sites of power within the state machinery: the judiciary, the administration and the police. In 2002, they represented only 6.26% of the 479 High Court judges in India, 2.95% of the 5,018 Indian Administrative Service officers and 4.02% of the 3,236 IPS officers. By contrast, according to a report in the Times of India, nearly 20% of India’s prisoners were Muslims. Experts believe that this trend is not because Muslims commit more crimes. Rather, it’s a product of economic and social deprivation. With no money for litigation and for getting bail, they end up languishing in jails for years. There have been several instances of false cases slapped against Muslims, especially after terror attacks and riots. Closer home, the Mahmoodur Rahman Committee appointed in 2008 by the Maharashtra government revealed the shocking social, economic and educational condition of Muslims in the state. Maharashtra has witnessed the highest number of Hindu-Muslim riots post-Independence. This has led to ghettoisation which has further contributed to their neglect. About 45% of Muslim households have a per capita income of less than Rs. 500 a month. About 58 % of urban Muslims live in slums. Muslims constitute only 8.1% of the state’s farmers, 44.4% of rural Muslims work as agricultural labourers, compared to 36.1% of Hindus. Only 4.4 % of Maharashtra’s Muslims work in the government services. In 2012, there was not a single Muslim in the entire cadre of the Indian Administrative Services. The committee also found that in the urban areas, bus stops are located at a 1.3 km distance from Muslim areas. Fearing a backlash from the state’s Muslims and the media, the government never tabled the report in the Assembly, though it was submitted in 2013. The above statistics paint a grim picture. However, this doesn’t suggest that Muslims haven’t progressed in independent India. In addition to being appointed to a number of top positions, Muslims in India â€Å"enjoy complete political and religious liberty, a free legislative environment to undertake economic and educational initiatives, a vibrant television media and cinema that teach liberal coexistence, and access to a vast number of universities and institutes of modern education† (Ahmad, 2014). However, the benefits of a democratic, secular and pluralistic polity haven’t trickled to the vast majority of the country’s Muslims. One of the main reasons for this has been their poor representation in our elective bodies. Muslim representation With every election, the position of Muslims has deteriorated. Muslims representation in the 16th Lok Sabha hit an all-time low of 22. For the first time in the history of Lok Sabha, not a single Muslim got elected from Uttar Pradesh, India’s most populated and electorally decisive state. Maharashtra’s Muslims too have been affected by the growing communal schism generated during the 1990’s. The number of Muslim MLAs in the recently elected Maharashtra Legislative Assembly has dropped to an abysmal nine. The state’s five main political parties put up only 45 Muslim candidates in the election. Out of the nine MLAs, eight have been elected from Muslim-dominated constituencies. Votes polled by Muslim candidates have been steadily falling since 1990. In 2009, while a non-Muslim candidate polled an average of 13,766 votes, a Muslim candidate attracted only 4,453 votes. This is the reason why most parties refuse tickets to Muslim candidates. No political party dares to put up a Muslim candidate unless the constituency has a substantial Muslim population. Even the avowed secular parties continue to succumb to communal consideration in the selection of their candidates. While it is not necessary that Muslims should be represented only by their co-religionists, electorally ignoring an important group is not good for the health of a nation. Representation gives a community a sense of belonging. Further, representation of multiple identities is the essence of modern democracy. During the first five decades after independence, the vast majority of Indian Muslims saw in the Congress their natural protector, for its commitment to secularism. However after the demise of Jawaharlal Nehru, the pluralism of the Congress soon started changing. Muslims’ faith in the Congress started eroding with the escalation of anti-Muslim violence and the political, social and economic marginalization of the community, sometimes at the hands of the Congress itself (such as during the Emergency). The party started milking the community for electoral gains, by conceding religious and cultural space to the Deobandi Ulemas. Banning Salman Rushdie’s novel Satanic Verses, overturning the Shah Bano judgment were among several of the party’s tropes which contributed to the disenchantment of moderate Muslims from the Congress. Muslim Identity Politics Despite the love lost with the Congress and other ‘secular’ parties, Indian Muslims have generally been reluctant to form their own political parties. However, in the last decade or so, a number of Muslim dominated political parties have emerged in India. The Peace Party was founded in Uttar Pradesh in 2008 by Mohamed Ayub. It won four seats in the 2012 Assembly elections and expanded its base in a number of states. The Kerala-based Indian Union Muslim League enjoys considerable popularity in the state. Maulana Badruddin Ajmal formed the All India United Democratic Front (AIUDF) in Assam after falling out with Congress leader Tarun Gogoi in Assam. It is now the main opposition party in the state. Other Muslim identity based parties include the Parcham Party, Rashtriya Ulama Council and Welfare Party. However, none of these parties could achieve any substantial success. The MIM and its history It is in this context that the rise of MIM in Maharashtra should be seen. The MIM was formally founded in 1927 â€Å"for educational and social uplift of Muslims†, however it first arose as a proto-Islamist movement to defend the Nizam’s autocracy through an armed militia called the Razakars. They unleashed brutal violence against Hindus, the communists and all those wished to merge Hyderabad with independent India. In 1948, the Indian government sent in the army to overpower the Razakars, an operation that left several thousands dead. Hyderabad was annexed to India and Kasim Rizvi, the Majlis leader was imprisoned and the organization banned. Rizvi was released about a decade later only on the condition that he would leave for Pakistan in 48 hours. Before leaving, Rizvi handed over the reins to Abdul Wahed Owaisi, the grandfather of Asaduduin Owaisi. Owaisi re-drafted the Majlis constitution in keeping with the provisions of the Indian Constitution and heralded a new age in the party’s history. Though MIM remained on the margins of Hyderabad’s politics for about fifteen years, the situation soon started changing in the 1970s. Under the new president Salahuddin Owaisi, the party made great inroads in the city. Votes polled by Majlis in the Hyderabad Lok Sabha seat rose from 58,000 in 1962 to over four lakhs in 1989. It also set up a number of educational institutions for Muslims in the city. Thus, a party that was a part of the Razakars has found acceptance in the very city that had celebrated its ouster. The mainstream media has reacted to MIM’s victory in Maharashtra with a sense of paranoia. There are fears that the party could accentuate communal differences in the state. Moderate Muslims accuse the MIM of milking the sufferings of Muslims, while not doing anything for the community’s development. Party MP Akbaruddin Owaisi is known for his vitriolic hate speeches instigating Muslims to stand up against Hindu violence. MIM’s politics represent a reactionary agenda that seeks to counter the violent communal politics of the right-wing Hindu parties. On the other hand, Muslims are also hopeful about the MIM as they feel it can better represent the community’s interests. MIM’s rise represents the failure of all ‘secular’ parties in checking atrocities against India’s minorities and preventing majoritarianism. Muslim youth who fail to see themselves as a part of the youth Narendra Modi keeps gloating about are attracted to the MIM and its aspirational politics which largely involves invoking a false pride of the â€Å"glorious history of Muslim rulers†. However, the same youth need to realize that the MIM has done nothing to defend the human rights of young Muslims who are falsely accused of being terrorists and who end up spending years in jails. MIM has never spoken out against radicals within the community; neither has it done anything to empower Muslim women. It wouldn’t be long before India’s Muslims see through the farce that the MIM represents and the process of disillusionment sets in. Problems with identity politics The deeply problematic nature of MIM’s politics still doesn’t justify the media’s sustained and critical coverage of its victory in Maharashtra. Identity politics is not a new phenomenon. India’s ruling party BJP has its roots in Hindu nationalism, the Akali Dal was formed to give a political voice to Sikh issues, the RPI and its more than 50 factions claim to represent Dalits. The UP-based Apna Dal enjoys a following among the Kurmi caste. The Shiv Sena and now the MNS have, from time to time, raised the bogie of the Marathi manoos for electoral gains. The media’s hypocrisy while reporting about these parties needs to be called out. Muslim identity politics is as dangerous as the identity politics of any other community. According to Irfan Engineer, director of the Centre for Study of Society and Secularism, â€Å"Identity politics can be oppressive, hegemonic and exclusionary to strengthen hierarchies and hierarchical structures, to defend the privileges of the social, political and economic elite.† It is part of a larger trend of a greater assertiveness of identity in India. To counter this, it is important to strengthen the county’s secular and pluralistic ideals. Conclusion So what does that leave India’s Muslims with? They don’t need parties which essentialize their identity. Voting en bloc for hegemonic identity based parties isn’t going to yield any dividends. All they need is democratic representation of their interests. They need parties and candidates that stand for the values of equality, liberty and justice. MS Sathyu’s iconic film Garm Hava is perhaps the best film made on India’s partition. It shows Balraj Sahni’s family members leave for Pakistan, one after another, because of the increasing discrimination faced by them. In the end, Sahni and his son, Farooq Sheikh too decide to leave the country. On their way to the railway station, they come across a protest march by angry youth demanding jobs. Sheikh and, eventually, Sahni too join the march, thereby deciding to survive and succeed in his own homeland. An Urdu poem by Kaifi Azmi is heard in a voice-over as we see Sahni joining the protesters: â€Å"Jo door se toofan ka karte hain nazaara, unke liye toofan vahaan bhi hai yahan bhi, Dhaare mein jo mil jaaoge, ban jaaoge dhara, Ye vaqt ka elaan vahan bhi hai yahan bhi.† The scene is a poignant reminder for India’s Muslims that their future depends on engaging with politics of social justice and security rather than falling prey to leaders stoking their insecurities. Bibliography: Ahmad, T. (2014). Democracy and Indian Muslims. Daily Times. Retrieved 29 November 2014, from http://archives.dailytimes.com.pk/editorial/16-Mar-2013/comment-democracy-and-indian-muslims-tufail-ahmad Ananth, V., Gadgil, M. (2014). Religious polarization helps AIMIM debut in Maharashtra. Mint. Retrieved 27 November 2014, from http://www.livemint.com/Politics/FxsUExgM2i03mSOH6w3RmO/Religious-polarization-helps-AIMIM-debut-in-Maharashtra.html?utm_source=ref_article Ashraf, A. (2014). Hidden history of the Owaisis. Firstpost. Retrieved 28 November 2014, from http://www.firstpost.com/politics/hidden-history-owaisis-aimim-doesnt-want-know-1817267.html Bagri, N. (2014). Indian Muslims Lose Hope in National Secular Party. The New York Times. Retrieved 27 November 2014, from http://www.nytimes.com/2014/11/09/world/asia/indian-muslims-lose-hope-in-national-secular-party.html?_r=1 Engineer, I. (2014). Political Mobilisation of Muslims in India Changing Pattern. Secular Perspective, XVII (21). Gayer, L., Jaffrelot, C. (2012). Muslims in Indian cities. New Delhi: HarperCollins India. Ghosh, S. (1987). Muslim politics in India. New Delhi: Ashish Pub. House. Lokhande, D. (2014). Why we should be concerned about MIM victories in Maharashtra. DNA. Retrieved 27 November 2014, from http://www.dnaindia.com/india/report-why-we-should-be-concerned-about-mim-victories-in-maharashtra-2027543 Noorani, A. (2003). The Muslims of India. Delhi: Oxford University Press. Rahman, M. (2013). The Condition of Muslims in Maharashtra. Mumbai. Sachar, R. (2006). Social, Economic and Educational Status of the Muslim Community of India. New Delhi. Shaikh, Z. (2014). Force behind MIM. The Indian Express. Retrieved 27 November 2014, from http://indianexpress.com/article/opinion/columns/force-behind-mim/99/ Sharma, S. (2014). Behind the victory of a Muslim party in Maharashtra, the gamble of a journalist. Scroll. Retrieved 27 November 2014, from http://scroll.in/article/685327/Behind-the-victory-of-a-Muslim-party-in-Maharashtra,-the-gamble-of-a-journalist Shukla, A. (2014). Maharashtra polls: Opinions among Muslims on AIMIM pitch vary. DNA. Retrieved 27 November 2014, from http://www.dnaindia.com/mumbai/report-maharashtra-polls-opinions-among-muslims-on-aimim-pitch-vary-2018458 The Hindu : Holding them captive?. Retrieved 27 November 2014, from http://www.thehindu.com/thehindu/2003/04/27/stories/2003042700081500.htm Zakaria, R. (1995). The widening divide. New Delhi: New York, N.Y.

The Battle of the Sexes in Susan Glaspells Trifles Essay -- Feminism

The Battle of the Sexes in Susan Glaspell's Trifles 'Well, women are used to worrying over trifles,' (Glaspell 957) remarks crime scene eyewitness Mr. Hale in Susan Glaspell's short play Trifles. As this quotation blatantly demonstrates, literature has had a lengthy history of gender bias, both in terms of adequate representation of women as authors and as formidable, strong characters. In this reference to his and the sheriff's wives, Mr. Hale presents the argumentative conflict that will prove prevalent, if latent, throughout the course of this work. In the play, the male characters are regarded as intellectually superior to their wives, who are patronized as rather childish for their concern in domestic detail. In Trifles, Glaspell makes a feminist leap as she portrays her female characters with ample cunning to secretly and humbly triumph over male condescending. The action of Glaspell's play is executed by a mere five players, three of whom are men - a fact which in itself demonstrates the establishment of women as a minority, even in such a small sampling. The county attorney, Sheriff Peters, Mrs. Peters, eyewitness Mr. Hale, and Mrs. Hale are drawn together in a dismal and atmospheric farmhouse to investigate the murder of Joe Wright, whose wife is the prime suspect. Even in the play's most rudimentary introduction, we are presented with a marked distinction between the men's and women's perspectives. The men immediately perceive the house as a crime scene and as such feel compelled to interview Mr. Hale about details of his visit and officiously search for smoking-gun evidence as to the killer?s motives. Conversely, Mrs. Hale and Mrs. Peters comprehend the environment as something more inti... ...e women remain silent, withholding information from their husbands for the sake of an unhappy mistreated woman whose loneliness and isolation are not terribly far-removed from their own. In her article, Holstein refers to Trifles as a "deceptive play" (Holstein 282), and I believe that to be an excellent choice of description. Trifles only superficially masquerades as a murder mystery; Glaspell has, in actuality, crafted a battle of the sexes - a veritable war between men and women, so imperceptible and silent that not even the characters really know that it exists. Works Cited: Glaspell, Susan. "Trifles" The Bedford Introduction to Literature. Bedford/St.Martins: Boston 2005. Holstein, Suzy Clarkson. "Silent Justice in a Different Key: Glaspell's Trifles." Midwest-Quarterly: A Journal of Contemporary Thought (MQ). 44.3 (2003 Spring): 282-90.